There's a high level of frustration with the two-party system out there.

I believe I would be a very strong general-election candidate.

Sometimes making progress a step at a time is better than no progress at all.

If, by demanding revolutionary change, I run the risk of accomplishing nothing on behalf of the public, then I'm not sure that's a responsible course of action.

Sometimes you have to make tough decisions to hold the line on spending.

Between being governor and part of the Senate, one of the things I did was I held a chair at the business school at my alma mater, Indiana University. And I'd go to lecture the graduates, and I loved that, answering their questions. It was real; it was tangible, and it was making a difference every day.

No one ever built the filibuster rule. It just kind of was created.

My father was on the Judiciary Committee all 18 years. He had a good personal relationship with Jim Eastland. They probably didn't agree on practically anything, or very little, from a public policy standpoint. But they were willing to work through that to see what they could get done just because they knew each other and liked each other.

Companies that are publicly held have a fiduciary duty to their shareholders to try to maximize their profits within ethical reasons.

Many good people serve in Congress. They are patriotic, hard-working, and devoted to the public good as they see it, but the institutional and cultural impediments to change frustrate the intentions of these well-meaning people as rarely before.

While romanticizing the Senate of yore would be a mistake, it was certainly better in my father's time.

My father, Birch Bayh, represented Indiana in the Senate from 1963 to 1981. A progressive, he nonetheless enjoyed many friendships with moderate Republicans and Southern Democrats.

Through our own hard work and ingenuity, America has spent much of its history as the world's dominant economic power. But our dominance is not pre-ordained - history does not roll along on the wheels of inevitability.

Americans have always prized individuality - it is part of our national DNA - but America is a community that draws strength from the sum of our people and has always known that the total of that sum is worth far more than its individual parts.

We need leaders who appeal to us to think about something other than narrow self-interest but instead focus upon the greater good.

As Democrats, we have a patriotic duty and political imperative to lay out our ideas for protecting America.

China's island-building in the South China Sea poses a threat to U.S. national security interests in the region.

The United States depends on South Korea and Japan to help promote American values in East Asia.

Sometimes, when I come back to Washington from Indiana, I feel like an ambassador to a foreign country.

I intend to continue to fight for the things I think are right for my country.

I'm a former governor, and so I was the chief executive, and when the legislature wasn't in session, I was running the state.

If you are the executive, you're probably going to have more of an impact than if you're one of a hundred members of the Senate, certainly one of 435 members of the House.

I like a lot of my Republican colleagues, starting with my friend from Indiana, Senator Lugar. We've had an excellent relationship.

I've never stopped being a Hoosier.

I care about family issues.

We all have things in life we'd do over again.

Ultimately, the American people ourselves need to decide we care more about practical solutions and progress than we do about brain-dead ideology and political wrangling.

The fastest-growing part of the Pentagon's budget are health care expenses.

I love my father, and I believe in him. And he lost to Dan Quayle. I had a hard time understanding how that could happen.

Every once in a while, an election comes along, and who you are and what you believe gets subsumed in a larger tide. It just happens.

To regain our political footing, we must prove to moderates that Democrats can make tough choices.

The most important area for spending restraint is entitlement reform.

Any time a party has lost three consecutive elections, it becomes a bit more willing to explore the notion of principled compromise so it's able to pursue some of its objectives.