As the cost of renewables plummets, the clean energy transition is increasingly driven by the business case.

The costs of solar energy across the world have come down so fast that its growth as a cheap, clean energy source has been exponential.

Even if Trump leaves the Paris Agreement or the U.N. climate process entirely, the issue will be unavoidable at G7 and G20 level.

U.K. aid spending in India is that it ensures that we are able to work with our partners to develop their markets, business and enterprise, to boost labour standards and rights and, ultimately, to boost the incomes of the poorest which, in the long term, boosts demand for British goods and services.

The U.K. should see overseas aid as an investment in the future potential of a market and shouldn't be used as a stick to bash trading partners and strategic allies with.

Trade negotiations require compromise.

The basis for securing preferential future trade terms with India begins in that recognition of essential equality. Indeed it begins in recognising that India is now an emerging global superpower whose primary interests are regional in South East Asia and who needs a deal with the U.K. less than we need one with her.

We have never believed that any potential future benefits from fracking make it acceptable for the government to bulldoze over the concerns of local communities or the very real environmental dangers that can occur as a result of weak safeguards controlling the technical process.

Our view has been that unless stringent environmental tests can be passed by would-be frackers, then no fracking should take place.

The Tories are trying to lock the country into the old, dirty technologies that harm our communities and the people who are forced to live with disruption on their doorstep.

Fracking locks the U.K. into an industry that is based on fossil fuels long after our country needs to have moved to renewables.

In the Labour Party we are absolutely united in our belief that shipping must define its 'fair share' of tackling climate change, and develop an emissions reduction plan for the sector.

We need robust sustainability regulations for shipping that are internationally recognised and respected. This will ensure shipping plays its part in the global transition to carbon neutrality.

The shipping industry plays a fundamental role in boosting global trade and prosperity. Maritime leaders have rightly recognised the need to invest in more energy-efficient vessels and to apply measures like slow-steaming. But to ensure a level playing field, collective action is urgently needed across the sector.

The Paris Agreement makes it impossible for any country or any sector to say climate change isn't their problem. It has created unprecedented momentum for all sectors in all countries to take action and be part of the solution.

It used to be an article of faith held across parliament that the government should be 'technology neutral' to achieve cost-effective decarbonisation.

The Paris Agreement is a highly significant step in tackling climate change - but a piece of paper will not save the world. It is not 'job done.'

The problem with climate change has always been that whilst political timeframes and economic investment timeframes work on a 3-5year cycle, the planet needs a rather longer term view.

We're fighting for community energy initiatives, warmer homes and crucial flood defences - and fiercely opposing the Government's assault on renewables.

Whether you're a banker or a botanist - the economic benefits of a clean energy revolution are compelling.

The road to the Paris climate talks has been paved across decades.

Labour's Climate Change Act and our other reforms, including the Green Investment Bank, have been the foundation for the huge growth of Britain's green industries.

We must learn the lessons of the 2008 crash: no company should be able to become too big to fail.

An efficient economy does not perpetuate the misallocation of capital - it punishes it.