We opposed unlimited detention without trial. We stood up for trial by jury as well. And of course we spoke up for asylum seekers and for the most vulnerable in our society.

This country has a proud history of opening its doors to generations of people fleeing personal persecution, civil unrest and war.

It would be a tragedy if the remarkable international coalition against terrorism, successfully marshalled in the aftermath of 11 September, were to fragment over a unilateral U.S. strike against Baghdad.

We believe that government in Britain is there to protect people from terrorism and from the worst criminality, but never at the expense of our civil liberties and the basic tenets of our legal system.

We want a strong, vibrant economy for Britain so that we can set out a clear and affordable alternative programme for government.

We believe that government in Britain should be working to restore our reputation on the international stage after Iraq and engage better within Europe.

We believe that government in Britain should improve the quality of people's lives and improve the quality of our public services in every local community.

It is the government's fundamental duty to ensure the security of every individual citizen.

It is my determination that we, as a party, continue to make that fundamental restatement of liberal values in the politics of our country.

Public perception of the Westminster arena, with all its posturings, does little to engender a sense of voter belief.

The growing influence of focus groups means we are all in danger of being excessively cowed by their feedback.

A smaller-size party and parliamentary membership does not necessarily equate to lesser demands; if anything, the opposite can be the case.

We must restore faith in politics. Reform of the House of Lords is only one part of the answer, but it is a vital one.

I have always considered myself of the reforming centre-left.

Like John Major in her wake, Thatcher was convinced that she understood the Scots - yet couldn't understand why we remained so stubbornly resistant towards the notion of understanding her.

As I spread my wings in politics, I discovered many Thatcher voters down south who were the same kind of people who loathed her in Scotland. They were puzzled by the Scots' antipathy, given the Falklands war and the strong militaristic history of the Highlands and elsewhere.

As Liberal Democrats and proponents of federalism, we must put our heads above the parapet and recapture and disseminate the true meaning of federalism. We have to win the vocabulary before we succeed in the vision.

We need less theoretical debate and more practical application and acknowledgment of what Europe can and does do so that it is brought home to people in a relevant way.

Whatever the eventual judgment, the political implications of Hutton are already clear. A devastating indictment of Labour in power - and of our political system itself.

Taking a principled and consistent stance over Iraq has attracted much criticism from our detractors and opponents.

To involve young people and make sure that the system is more relevant to them in Scotland, we have a clear obligation to implement a policy of home rule.

During my campaign, people of my age and younger said consistently that they would not vote because their votes simply no longer matter and because no government or member of Parliament cared a whit about their problems and their striving for employment.

Some ministers are fond of talking about a return to Victorian values. We must realise that those Victorian values are being expressed by some of the younger people in this society in shameful and disturbing disregard for other members of their generation who are not as fortunate as they are in having a job.

A perennial problem that has faced the Scottish Highlands is that, time and again, too many of the more talented young people have had to move elsewhere - even abroad - through a lack of opportunities that should have been available.