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Me and my little brother never grew up wanting to be famous.
Charlotte Flair
For so long, I was ashamed of my past, and I think that crippled me a lot in having confidence.
No one ever has a chance to get to know the real me because I do play a bad guy, and sometimes it's hard to soak in the comments or the negativity because that's the response you want to elicit. I am a normal person, but that's part of the job. I'm playing a character, and that's my role.
Everyone always says, 'You must have always wanted to be just like your dad.' But my dad's career had nothing to do with my journey.
The reason I don't do the Flair Flop anymore is because women's wrestling is being taken so seriously. I'll only perform something comedic like that at a house show.
Driving from town to town, living in hotels, sometimes not going home during the week because you have an appearance - you really have to be dedicated to do this job.
It is harder to explain why free markets create wealth than it is to pander to workers who have been displaced by global competition.
Charlie Sykes
After 2008, I told people that conservatives were going to be invisible for a while. But, with time, our ideas would be back.
I tried to distinguish myself from the Rush Limbaughs of the world, but I also understood that there were folks on the Left who did not want to make that distinction: who thought that we all sounded alike, and we all were in lockstep.
The shock of Trumpism has made me rethink what the conservative movement was about and who our allies were and what our assumptions were.
I'm a conservative who likes small government and lower taxes.
There was always the paranoid strain in American politics, particularly on the Right.
I don't think Trump is a conservative. I think he is a man without any fixed principles. And to the extent he does have any ideology, it owes far more to European-style National Front right-wing politics than to American conservatism.
I think of John McCain as a conservative, but he is clearly not the same kind of 'conservative' as, say, Rand Paul. The word is close to losing almost all meaning.
I knew Buckley - he was a friend of mine - and Steve Bannon is no William F. Buckley. Buckley marginalized the kooks. Bannon empowered them.
One of the surprises to me was the willingness of many people in the conservative media to roll over, to abandon long-held conservative principles, and to embrace Donald Trump.
I am less horrified by Trump himself than by what he has done to the rationalizers and enablers.
A lot of Americans do not have an appreciation for our history. They do not understand the Constitution, why we have these norms. And at some point, yes, the media has some responsibility, but so does the public.
We desperately need to have a public that actually cares whether things are true of not.
In our era of zero tolerance, I would surely have spent most of elementary and middle school shuttling between suspensions and expulsions, with an occasional time out for social studies.
I have a confession to make. When I was a child, I was a chronic, repeat doodler.
Across the country, universities that had abandoned in loco parentis in the 1960s because it was too oppressive and intrusive have replaced it with in loco Big Brother programs of political and cultural re-education.
White liberals face this cognitive dissonance: if they decide that America is ready for a black president and back Obama, they would also be forced to surrender or at least modify decades of convictions about American bias.
In 2008, conservatives ridiculed the Left for its adulation of Barack Obama, only to succumb to their own cult of personality eight years later.